While there are several differences between media policy research and academic research – such as style, scope, and methodology – I believe the most important distinction lies in the audience. Academic research primarily targets scholars and students, often using theoretical frameworks and specialized language. In contrast, media policy research is aimed at policymakers, parliamentarians, donors, and media practitioners. It needs to be timely, accessible, and solution-oriented. A few years ago, one of my policy briefs on financial options for the Radio Television of Kosovo was cited during a parliamentary hearing, which shows how evidence-based work can shape decision-making. In my media policy work, I’ve focused on issues like media regulation, financial sustainability, media use, and public trust. These topics require not only rigorous data but also clear, actionable recommendations. Moreover, the media landscape is constantly evolving. Emerging platforms like video-sharing apps and challenges such as disinformation are reshaping how information flows. That’s why ongoing media policy research is essential – to keep pace with these shifts and help decision-makers respond effectively.

 

 

I believe there has been substantial progress in both the quality and impact of media research in the region. We’re seeing more initiatives – both individual and collaborative – that analyze media trends in meaningful ways. Regional projects, in particular, offer significant advantages, especially in terms of methodological consistency and access to resources. One strong example is the South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM), which has become a valuable hub for media research across the region. It provides high-quality studies that examine national contexts as well as comparative perspectives across countries. Just as importantly, the platform makes its research openly accessible, helping a broader audience – from policymakers to academics and journalists – stay informed about the latest media developments. For me, the most important aspect of media research is its potential to inform change. When done well, it can guide regulatory reform, improve media practices, and contribute to building public trust – all of which are essential for a healthy democratic environment.

 

 

To better understand how people perceive the media, we structured the research in two phases. The first phase relies on quantitative data gathered from credible international and local sources, while the second focuses on qualitative insights – through interviews and focus group discussions with citizens, journalists, and intellectuals – to interpret emerging media trends. One of the key challenges has been bridging the gap between what the numbers show and how people actually interpret media developments. For example, data from the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) indicate a rising level of distrust in the media. However, our focus group discussions revealed a more nuanced picture: much of that distrust is directed toward certain information channels on social media, rather than toward established or traditional media outlets. This highlights the complexity of media trust, and interpreting it requires careful analysis of both statistical trends and public sentiment. Connecting the two in a meaningful way remains one of the core challenges in media research.

 

 

The title of the Kosovo report The Expanding Media Landscape, Decline in Journalists’ Safety, and Low Media Literacy effectively captures the main findings. Despite a shrinking population, as confirmed by the 2024 census, Kosovo remains a youthful society, with an average age of 34. This demographic reality explains the widespread use of social media platforms for information and communication. While television continues to hold the largest share of the audience, platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok are steadily gaining influence, particularly among younger users. The research points to three major areas of concern. First, journalists’ safety has significantly deteriorated. In 2023 alone, 74 cases of attacks and violations of journalists’ rights were recorded – a twofold increase compared to the previous year. Second, although the number of online media outlets and TV stations is growing, the print media sector has nearly disappeared, with no daily or weekly newspapers or magazines currently being published in Kosovo. Third, media literacy remains alarmingly low. Kosovo ranked 40th out of 41 countries in the 2023 European Media Literacy Index, a worrying position given the increasing dominance of digital media and the spread of disinformation. Another noteworthy trend is the rise in the number of journalists, with over 720 members now registered with the Kosovo Journalists Association. However, trade union organizing within the sector remains weak, limiting journalists’ ability to collectively advocate for better working conditions. Overall, the findings reflect a dynamic but fragile media environment, particularly due to its limited financial sustainability. The advertising market, which is the main source of revenue for many outlets, remains small in value relative to the large number of media operating in the country. The latest data suggests the total market is valued at just 15 million euros.

 

 

While conducting research on the future of media in Kosovo, I observed that several complex issues were shaping both public debate and policy discourse – including media law reform, press freedom, disinformation, media literacy, SLAPPs (strategic lawsuits against journalists), and increasing threats and smear campaigns targeting media professionals. These themes have become central to understanding the current and future state of media in Kosovo. What positively surprised me was the high level of engagement from civil society organizations, media law experts, and international actors. A striking example was the public response to one of the most contested pieces of legislation in 2024 – the Law on the Independent Media Commission. Despite being passed by Parliament, the law sparked wide criticism over its implications for media independence and regulatory overreach. Eventually, it was overruled by the Constitutional Court, marking a significant moment where legal and civic pressure effectively safeguarded media freedom. This experience reinforced my belief that inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue, grounded in evidence and legal standards, is essential for defending democratic media institutions in Kosovo and beyond.

 

 

To envision the future of media, it’s essential to reflect on past experiences and current trends. I’ve had the opportunity to closely follow the evolution of Kosovo’s media sector through my work on the IREX Media Sustainability Index, where I regularly engaged with media professionals from 2009 to 2022. Today, Kosovo enjoys a diverse media landscape, with over 200 licensed outlets and many more registered online platforms. Looking ahead, I believe several key trends will shape the next five to ten years. First, mainstream media will need to diversify their funding sources. Financial sustainability remains a challenge, and monetization through digital platforms and social networks will become increasingly important. Second, I foresee a growing role for local media, particularly as watchdogs of democracy at the municipal level. As decentralization continues, local journalism will be crucial in holding local institutions accountable and ensuring citizen engagement. Third, technological advancements will significantly influence how media is consumed. While television currently remains the primary source of information, online media and social platforms are quickly catching up – especially among younger audiences. It’s likely that digital media will overtake traditional broadcast in terms of reach and influence within the coming decade. Overall, I see a media sector that is more digital, more decentralized, and – with the right support – more resilient in upholding democratic values.

 

 

One key area that deserves greater attention is media ownership – particularly cross-border ownership and media conglomerates. This is not just about transparency, but about understanding how power and influence flow across national borders through media channels. During my time as Chairman of Kosovo’s media regulatory authority (IMC), I observed a growing trend of large media companies expanding regionally by opening affiliate channels in neighboring countries. While this kind of cross-border expansion is well-regulated within the EU under the Audiovisual Media Services Directive, the situation in the Western Balkans is more complex. Given the region’s history – where media outlets were at times used to inflame ethnic tensions and propagate nationalist narratives – the implications of regional media ownership are far more sensitive. Future research should explore whether EU-level standards on media pluralism and transparency can be effectively applied in the Western Balkans, and how regional regulators can cooperate to ensure accountability. This topic is not only important for media independence, but also for safeguarding peace, democratic resilience, and responsible journalism in a region still navigating post-conflict dynamics.

 

Download the research on the future of the media in Kosovo here.